Control is no longer prohibition. Control is architecture.
Political theorist Carl Schmitt understood power because he loved it, and his most famous sentence cuts to the bone of our moment: sovereign is he who decides on the exception.
The real sovereign, Schmitt argued, is not whoever writes the ordinary rules. It is whoever can decide when the rules are suspended — who is inside and who is outside, when the policy does not apply, when the exception is made.
Ask the question of AI. Who decides the exception? Who decides when a model's safety policy is quietly relaxed for a favored client, when a market is entered or abandoned, when a class of person is scored as a risk, when the terms change and consent becomes a formality? Who decides what the system simply will not see?
The encyclical answers without flinching: the main drivers of this technology are now private, often transnational parties whose resources surpass those of many governments. But the encyclical inverts Schmitt's logic precisely where it matters most: rather than founding order on a friend-enemy distinction and the bracketing of war between nations, Leo XIV's call to "disarm" AI rejects the domination logic of armed competition altogether, refusing the very Manichean division of the world into friends and enemies that Schmitt held to be the essence of the political.
Power has not disappeared. It has moved. It no longer wears only the uniform of the state or the frock coat of the industrialist. It also appears as an API, a ranking system, a compute cluster, a recommendation engine.
Systems govern conscience not by issuing commands but by arranging the field of the possible — the defaults, the rankings, the feeds, the frictions, the thresholds.
The new sovereigns of the model did not seize a throne. They shipped a default. That is the quietest coup in history, and most of its authors do not know they have staged one.